Abhary Aiman Shawkat Fabris
This article is a study that explores the transformation processes that began in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Yemen, and elsewhere in the Arab world in 2011 following the uprisings commonly referred to as the Arab Spring. The originality of this work is that article presents the investigated information in such a way that the processes that occurred are not conceptualized as linear, and it also views events not as centrally conceived transitions from authoritarian orders to predetermined outcomes, but rather as contested and unconstrained transformations. The novelty of the scientific work is that the political processes of transformation, which began in particular in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, and Yemen and continued in other countries after the "Arab Spring" in 2011. This is best understood through an actor-centered approach that focuses on the choices and strategies of a "politically relevant elite" (PRE) and its interaction with citizens seeking to exert influence, described here as a "mobilized public. The PRE perceived transformation processes as mechanisms for maximizing political resources and monopolizing power. This is best understood through an actor-centered approach that focuses on the choices and strategies of a "politically relevant elite" and its interaction with citizens seeking to exert influence, described here as a "mobilized public". The increasingly polarized controversy that followed has accelerated the co-optation and instrumentalization of the mobilized public by the PRE. It meant the end of their ability to offer opportunities for broad participation in the bottom-up hierarchy and set the stage for a resumption of top-down control in Egypt and Tunisia, and for state failure and civil wars in Libya and Yemen. An important conclusion of the article is the opinion that even given the potential for political change that was to become part of political life in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Yemen in particular, their political power is distributed when, over time and with the help of counter-revolutionary mechanisms, the dividing power has become a consolidated class that strengthens its privileged position against a pluralistic society, deprived of all its political possibilities.